The former US VP Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was seen as among the most significant holders of the vice-presidency in US history. Whereas numerous vice-presidents had to settle for minor or symbolic roles, Cheney wielded enormous power during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was often referred to as the "real president".
Bush disliked such a characterisation and claimed the connection was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was courteous, always referring to him in public as Mr President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush challenged even portrayals of their partnership as a collaboration because it implied that they were on equal footing. In spite of these denials, Cheney viewed the easygoing president malleable on a broad range of administrative determinations.
The Aftermath of 9/11
In charge of a group of conservative hawks that featured Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been participating in a session at a elementary school in Florida. While Bush made his way to a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney assumed control, commanding the shooting down of any non-communicating airplanes approaching the Capitol building.
Cheney claimed the strikes altered his perspective, making him become intent on retaliation. In conjunction with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a takeover of Afghanistan in an effort to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, even though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Decisions
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, and not about the waterboarding of suspects captured after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was founded on inaccurate reports repeated by Cheney, was the proper decision. "It represented the right thing to do at that time. I was convinced at the time and I believe it presently."
Yet during that period, there were contrary opinions at a high level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the government's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the role. "I saw, as a baseline," he wrote later "obvious failure, negligence, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, falsehoods, unfitness, and dishonesty."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq military action. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had drafted a memo setting out situations in which US concerns might be endangered (including "availability of essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be prepared to take unilateral action when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," particularly referencing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush additionally had arrived in the Oval Office generally inclined on carrying out what his predecessor had notably declined to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been fired by the White House, the treasury secretary Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his intention of diminishing America's engagement in the regional tensions and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, believing he had been responsible for a conspiracy to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He also disliked that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his father's face that all visitors had to step on.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was part of the most vehement behind striking Iraq, frequently citing intelligence reports that were either insubstantial or completely misleading. He endorsed what the Bush government euphemistically referred to as "enhanced interrogation", the use of simulated drowning and physical pressure.
Answering a Senate document in 2014 that found that no valuable data had resulted from the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to take steps and put in place initiatives to capture the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney enjoyed monikers given to him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and The Prince of Darkness, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 volume about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the evil genius in the corner that operates invisibly leave his lair? This represents a nice way to work, in fact."
Business Interests
Dispute over his business interests followed him through his period as second-in-command. Although he had minimal expertise in corporate affairs but strong connections in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's largest oil and gas conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the executive branch. Controversially, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US deals valued at multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his period at the corporation rose from his previous salary during his time as defence secretary to $4.4m. When he left in 2000 he had a severance arrangement worth more than $20m|twenty
